History and Hitler: what's the BEST book/work on unc' Adolf?--Andrew Hamilton gives survey

Apollonian

Guest Columnist
What is the Best Hitler Biography?

Link: http://www.counter-currents.com/2011/10/what-is-the-best-hitler-biography/

Andrew Hamilton

Adolf Hitler by Heinrich Hoffmann

4,128 words

“I’m not a National Socialist, but . . .” I have read a few books on Hitler.

Regarding Hitler, I agree with Irmin Vinson:

I consider Hitler less a model to be followed than an avalanche of propaganda we must dig ourselves out from under. Never in human history has a single man received such sustained vilification, the basic effect and purpose of which has been to inhibit Whites from thinking racially and from acting in their own racial self-interest, as all other racial/ethnic groups do. Learning the truth about Hitler is a liberating experience. By the truth I mean not an idealized counter-myth to the pervasive myth of Hitler as evil incarnate, but the man himself, faults and virtues, strengths and weaknesses. (“Some Thoughts on Hitler”)

Since literally thousands of worthless books have been churned out about Der Boss, how does one sift through the massive pile of crap on the hopeful assumption that, “Hey, with all this manure, there must be a pony in here somewhere!”?

A “good” biography by my definition is an objective, truthful account, not a comic book fabrication about a lunatic, one-testicled rug chewer, or a thinly-disguised religious fable in which Hitler (= Satan/Nazis/Germans/white people) crucifies 6 million Jews (= God’s chosen people, elbowing the Lord Jesus Christ aside) by fantastic and diabolical means before efficiently employing the grisly remains to manufacture bars of soap and lampshades for the amusement of Hitler and his henchmen, or to lighten the burden of wartime rationing.

Hopefully, the book would be well-written and fun to read, as well.

If there’s a reliable bibliographical essay along these lines, I am unaware of it.


Ian Kershaw’s Biography

What brought this perennial question—What is the best Hitler biography?—to mind recently was an article about English historian Sir Ian Kershaw in the Guardian (UK) newspaper asserting that the author’s two-volume, 2,000-page (prolixity is the norm in Hitler studies) biography of Hitler published to wide acclaim a decade ago, “is likely to remain the standard life for a generation.”

The biography is: Volume 1, Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris (London: 1998), and Volume 2, Hitler, 1936–1945: Nemesis (London: 2000). A single-volume abridgement, Hitler: A Biography, appeared in 2008.

This pattern of two-volume books and abridgements, plus multiple translations, editions and printings of the same book at different times, often with different titles, continually bedevils the researcher.

Kershaw, who comes from a white, working-class background, does not inspire confidence. Among other things, he’s a knight (OBE), though he claims to be “embarrassed” by the “neo-feudal title.”

During the so-called Historikerstreit (Historians’ Dispute) in Germany from 1986 to 1989, Kershaw teamed with academic mentor Martin Broszat, an anti-German German, to publicly attack other German historians—Ernst Nolte, Andreas Hillgruber, Michael Stürmer, Joachim Fest and Klaus Hildebrand—as apologists for the German past.

“Comic Book” Titles as a Screen

One heuristic I use is to reject any book with a ridiculous or patently propagandistic title.

Using that guideline, the New York Times did Kershaw no favor when it titled its shallow reviews of his two Hitler volumes “The Devil’s Miracle Man” and “When Depravity Was Contagious,” respectively.

Examples of other self-destructive titles are The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler (1977; 1993), Explaining Hitler: The Search for the Origins of His Evil (1998), Hitler: The Pathology of Evil (1998), Adolf Hitler: A Chilling Tale of Propaganda as Packaged by Joseph Goebbels. (1999), Adolf Hitler: A Study in Hate (2001), and Hitler and the Nazi Leaders: A Unique Insight into Evil (2001).

Books I Own

I read Konrad Heiden’s critical Der Fuehrer: Hitler’s Rise to Power (1944) in high school. Its first chapter, “Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion,” was my introduction to Alfred Rosenberg. I remember being enthralled by the book. Heiden was at least half-Jewish (his mother). He eventually fled Germany and settled in the United States, where he died in 1966. In Hitler’s War David Irving warns against reliance upon Heiden’s and several other biographies “hitherto accepted as ‘standard’ sources on Hitler” without further elaboration.

Another book I read while young is journalist William Shirer’s 1,245-page The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (1960). It sold more than 2 million copies and won the National Book Award. I read the whole thing, but with nothing like the zest I read Der Fuehrer. Unfortunately, Shirer’s work is empirically and ideologically flawed.

Robert Payne, author of The Life and Death of Adolf Hitler (1973), was a freelance writer, not an academic or journalist. He was enormously prolific. I looked him up in Contemporary Authors and learned that he authored over 110 novels, biographies, and histories. If he began at age 20, he wrote (and published) more than two books per year until he died at age 72. Evidently his pace exacted a price on accuracy. Besides purveying conventional ideological and racial animus, the biography contains glaring factual errors, some very big indeed.

Two spurious memoirs frequently cited by mainstream historians are Hermann Rauschning’s Conversations with Hitler (1940) (US title: The Voice of Destruction) and Fritz Thyssen’s I Paid Hitler (1943) (neither of which I own), both published by a Hungarian Jew, Churchill confidant, and world federalist named Emery Reves.

Rauschning’s fabricated Conversations with Hitler has been relied upon by William L. Shirer, Robert Payne, Jewish historians Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, and Nora Levin, Alan Bullock’s Hitler: A Study in Tyranny (1952) (the first comprehensive biography, Bullock’s Hitler dominated scholarship for years; it also possesses the kind of title that’s a red flag to me; I do not own it), and Joachim C. Fest’s Hitler (Germ. 1973, Eng. trans. 1974), among others.

For background on this see Mark Weber, “Rauschning’s Phony Conversations With Hitler: An Update,” Journal of Historical Review (Winter 1985–86), pp. 499 ff.

Nevertheless, as David Irving points out, “Historians are quite incorrigible, and will quote any apparently primary source [memoirs, diaries, autobiographies, etc.] no matter how convincingly its false pedigree is exposed.”

When “serious” biographers rely upon works like Rauschning’s, their books should be approached cautiously, if at all.

Fest’s Hitler, the first major biography since Alan Bullock’s in 1952, and the first ever by a German author, became the bestselling book in Germany upon its publication; the next year it was translated into 17 languages.

A prominent German journalist, broadcaster, and anti-Nazi, Fest was one of a troika of Establishment editors who re-wrote, or co-wrote, German armaments minister Albert Speer’s famous memoir, Inside the Third Reich (Germ. 1969; Eng. trans. 1970). (Speer was imprisoned at Spandau from 1946 to 1966.) The book, a worldwide bestseller, made a fortune for Speer and earned widespread praise for its disavowal of Hitler. According to David Irving, Speer had a secret agreement with his German publisher, Ullstein Verlag, to pay 25% of all royalties and proceeds to the State of Israel.

About Fest’s Hitler Irving wrote, “Stylistically, Fest’s German was good; but the old legends were trotted out afresh, polished to an impressive gleam of authority.”

As noted above, Fest fought on the conservative side of Germany’s Historian’s Dispute in the 1980s, denying the “singularity” of the Holocaust (which, however, he believed in). His Wikipedia entry provides lengthy quotations that strike a contemporary reader as heretical.

Finally, a friend kindly gave me his copy of Timothy W. Ryback’s Hitler’s Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life (2008), which is both interesting and informative.

Recommendations of a Dissident: William Pierce’s National Vanguard Books Catalog (December 1988)

I’ve often used this valuable reference over the years. It is essentially an elaborate college syllabus. Subdivisions include “European Prehistory, Archaeology, & Folkways,” “European Legend, Myth, and Religion,” “History of Western Civilization,” “Western Art,” and so on. Its 125 carefully-selected titles provide in-depth knowledge and a comprehensive overview of the white race and Western civilization.

With the exception of Mein Kampf, only three Hitler biographies are included in Pierce’s catalog, none of them standard ones. Two are: Heinz A. Heinz, Germany’s Hitler (London: 1934), and Hans Baur (Hitler’s personal pilot), Hitler at My Side (1986).

The third, Otto Wagener’s Hitler–Memoirs of a Confidant (1985), was written in 1946 when Wagener was a British prisoner. It was not published until many years after his death by the late Yale historian Henry Ashby Turner, Jr. Pierce described the book as “By far the most informative and positive memoir by a confidant of Hitler since August Kubizek’s The Young Hitler I Knew” ([German 1953, English 1955], another memoir NV had previously sold).

A notable feature of Wagener’s memoir is that, according to historian Gordon Craig’s New York Times review, it strongly emphasizes Hitler’s pro-British views and depicts the Führer as “an ‘unwitting prisoner’ of Göring, Goebbels and Himmler, powerless to prevent his true intentions from being distorted by evil associates for their own criminal purposes”—claims by an eyewitness that parallel David Irving’s controversial views.

Mein Kampf (My Struggle) and Zweites Buch (Second Book)

Though not biographies, strictly speaking, I own 1950s-era drugstore paperback copies of Hitler’s Secret Conversations, 1941–1944 (1953) and Felix Gilbert, ed. and trans., Hitler Directs His War (1950).

According to David Irving, the transcripts published as Hitler’s Secret Conversations, 1941–1944 are genuine. (Though Irving doesn’t say it, the book he discusses, Hitler’s Table Talk, 1941–1944, is the same as mine, but with a different title—I warned you it’s complicated!)

I recommend clicking on the preceding link to get a feel for how important it is to understand the provenance and reliability—the evidentiary basis—of even “mainstream” books and texts you might otherwise assume are problem-free. To his credit, Irving is keenly aware of the difficulties posed by mainstream books and official documents housed in archives. They cannot simply be accepted at face value.

I should nevertheless quote the following from Irving’s web page:

The Table Talks’ content is more important in my view than Hitler’s Mein Kampf, and possibly even more than his Zweites Buch (1928). It is unadulterated Hitler. He expatiates on virtually every subject under the sun, while his generals and private staff sit patiently and listen, or pretend to listen, to the monologues.

Along with Sir Nevile Henderson’s gripping 1940 book Failure of a Mission: Berlin, 1937-1939, this was one of the first books that I read, as a twelve year old: Table Talk makes for excellent bedtime reading, as each “meal” occupies only two or three pages of print. My original copy, purloined from my twin brother Nicholas, was seized along with the rest of my research library in May 2002.

He adds: “Ignore the 1945 ‘transcripts’ published by Hugh Trevor-Roper in the 1950s as Hitler’s Last Testament [The Testament of Adolf Hitler—Ed.]—they are fake.” That book purports to be Martin Bormann’s notes on Hitler’s final bunker conversations.

Mein Kampf was originally published in German in two volumes, the first in 1925 and the second in 1927. English translations combine both volumes into one.

I read Mein Kampf thoroughly in 1988, as my well-marked copy indicates. (The fact that it was ’88 is coincidental!) However, the book did not have an impact on me intellectually or emotionally. I wasn’t a national socialist then (much less a National Socialist) and am not one now. Nor do I view Hitler as a quasi-sacred figure.

Part of the reason for the book’s lack of effect may be due to the particular translation I purchased. In the original German the book was a runaway bestseller and the source of much of Hitler’s private fortune. Even acknowledging the political factors involved, one cannot dismiss the possibility that it reads better in German than in its English translations.

The quality of a translation determines how well a book “travels” from one language to another. Both fidelity to the original (accuracy) and transmission of the spirit or feel are necessary. I have experienced translations that capture the originals marvelously, and others where even classic works appear dead on the page.

I bought my copy of Mein Kampf without prior research and ended up purchasing the 1939 Hurst and Blackett translation by James Murphy.

Murphy, a former Irish Catholic priest, was hired by the German government to make the official English translation, but the project was scuttled after a dispute. Murphy continued the translation nevertheless, and it appeared independently in Britain in 1939.

I later learned that many English-speaking National Socialists prefer Ralph Manheim’s 1943 Houghton Mifflin translation (which I have not read). It is possible that Manheim better catches the spirit of Hitler’s original, because he was also the translator of Konrad Heiden’s Der Fuehrer which so enthralled me as a boy.

In his catalog, William Pierce categorized Mein Kampf as “semi-autobiographical,” calling it “a beacon and a guide to every healthy soul in this dark age, to everyone who seeks understanding and light.”

He described the differences between the English translations this way:

“Manheim translation: Accurate, but marred by anti-Hitler introductions and derogatory footnotes.

“Murphy translation: No hostile comments, but the translation is not as faithful to the original text.”

After Mein Kampf, Hitler wrote what has become known as the Zweites Buch (Second Book) (1928), an extension and elaboration of his foreign policy aims. It also sets forth his views of the Soviet Union, France, Great Britain, and the United States.

The book was written to clarify his foreign policy objectives for the German public after the 1928 elections. However, his publisher advised him that, from a sales point of view, the time was not propitious for bringing it out. By 1930 Hitler had decided that it revealed too much about his intentions, so it was never published.

In 1935 it was locked away at his order in a safe inside an air raid shelter. There it remained until the fall of Germany in 1945, when it was discovered by the American invaders. Its authenticity was reportedly vouched for by Josef Berg and Telford Taylor.

In 1958 the manuscript of the Zweites Buch, having again fallen into obscurity, was rediscovered in American archives by Jewish historian Gerhard Weinberg. Weinberg, whose family left Germany for the United States in 1938, is the author of numerous anti-German academic books and articles and a vigorous Holocaust promoter. He is Shapiro Senior Scholar in Residence at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. Weinberg strongly supported the ethnic cleansing of Germans from Eastern Europe after WWII, which resulted in an enormous number of white deaths.

Unable to find a US publisher for the book, Weinberg turned to a fellow Jew in Germany, Hans Rothfels; a German edition of the Second Book was issued in 1961. (A pirated copy translated into English appeared in New York the following year.)

An authoritative English edition did not appear until 40 years later: Gerhard L. Weinberg, ed., Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf (New York: Enigma Books, 2003).

Because I had never heard of this book until 2003, I thought the whole story a bit strange. It is unclear how many scholars apart from Weinberg have examined the original manuscript, or what methods of authentication were used. However, David Irving sold the 2003 edition at one of his lectures, and has indicated at least implicitly on several occasions (some quoted here) that he accepts the book as genuine.

David Irving

David Irving’s Hitler’s War is interesting on several levels.

An independent, non-academic historian, Irving has been victimized to an unimaginable degree over many decades by the Jewish power structure, including a global panoply of government agencies, apparatchiks, courts, police, and academic and media shills eternally at its beck and call. His suffering is mind-numbing proof of the bizarre, Orwellian world we live in. Blacklisted and bankrupted, his personal prosperity and former high reputation are in ruins.

His book, as usual, is long: 985 pages (2002 ed.), and again there is the thorny problem of multiple volumes and editions of a single biography floating around.

Hitler’s War was first published in 1977, and its prequel, The War Path, in 1978. In 1991 a revised 1-volume edition incorporating both books was issued as Hitler’s War.

In 2002, a revised “Millennium Edition” was published under the title Hitler’s War and the War Path, incorporating the latest documents from American, British, and former Soviet archives. This is the one I own.

In an introductory Note Irving states that in the Millennium Edition he has not revised his earlier views, but merely refined the narrative and reinforced the documentary basis of his former assertions.

Famed for working almost exclusively from official archival documents, diaries, private letters, and other original source material, his method has the downside of somewhat impeding smooth narrative flow. However, this is compensated for by the rich source material.

Almost incredibly, Irving admits:

I have dipped into Mein Kampf but never read it: it was written only partly by Hitler, and that is the problem. More important are Hitlers Zweites Buch, (1928) which he wrote in his own hand; and Hitler’s Table Talk, daily memoranda which first Heinrich Heim (Martin Bormann’s adjutant, whom I interviewed) and then Henry Picker wrote down at his table side, and the similar table talks recorded by Werner Koeppen (which I was the first to exploit, in Hitler’s War).

In his introduction, notes, and on his website, Irving reveals the care necessary in dealing with even supposedly reliable documentary materials, never mind historians’ work (which he typically ignores). German memoirs, for example, have been extensively tampered with by publishers, Allied authorities, and others. When using them Irving attempts to work from the original typescripts rather than published texts. Even documents contained in government archives have been altered, removed, or otherwise manipulated. His many discussions about such issues are highly instructive.

Irving is not a “Holocaust denier” as Jews claim, though he does not believe in every jot and tittle of their religious narrative as everyone else does.

One of Irving’s most controversial claims is that “antisemitism” in Germany was “a powerful vote catching force,” “an evil steed” that Hitler had no compunction in riding to the chancellorship in 1933. But once in power, “he dismounted and paid only lip service to that part of his Party’s creed.” The “evil gangsters” under him, however—Heinrich Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, and Joseph Goebbels—continued to ride it even when Hitler dictated differently.

Although Irving maintains that a Jewish Holocaust of sorts did occur (unfortunately, he is exceedingly vague, evasive, and even contradictory about its details, and denies any interest in it), he says that Hitler’s evil henchmen dreamed it up and carried it out entirely without Hitler’s knowledge or approval.

Thus, while Irving is a Hitlerphile, he is extremely harsh toward “bad guys” like Himmler (in particular), Heydrich, and Goebbels.

The reader may perhaps see how Irving’s central thesis is hard to . . . accept.

Irving has published a critical biography of Goebbels and is currently working on one about Himmler. Himmler’s elderly daughter Gudrun has publicly expressed her fear that Irving will perform a hatchet job on her father in an attempt to salvage his (Irving’s) reputation.

In fairness to Irving, Jewish historian Felix Gilbert, editor of Hitler Directs His War (above), wrote that “during the war, Hitler cut himself off from all his former associates and interests and closed himself in at his headquarters with his military advisers. The center of Hitler’s activities became then the daily conferences on the military situation.”

This suggests possible great autonomy on the part of Himmler and others, at least after the inception of the war. Irving, however, tends to emphasize disloyalty, deceit, and manipulation by Himmler and others rather than Hitler’s isolation or distraction.

Still, as previously noted, Otto Wagener’s Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant also presents a picture of Hitler’s relationship to his top lieutenants even in the early days of the regime that is similar to Irving’s.

The most important thing to note is that Hitler’s War is not a biography per se, but a military history of WWII from Hitler’s perspective. My primary interest, however, apart from biography, is the racial, political, philosophical, and social aspects of Hitler’s Germany rather than the conduct of the war.

John Toland’s Hitler

La Crosse, Wisconsin-born John W. Toland is another independent scholar who wrote a major biography of Hitler: Adolf Hitler: The Definitive Biography. Something of an intellectual renegade in his later years, he managed to stay beneath the radar screen of controversy. His books remain popular and highly regarded.

His best-known book, The Rising Sun: The Decline and Fall of the Japanese Empire, 1936–1945 (1970), won the Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction. Based upon extensive original interviews with high Japanese officials who survived the war, it was the first book in English to tell the history of the war in the Pacific from the Japanese rather than the American point of view. (Toland married a Japanese woman.)

Toland’s mildly controversial Infamy: Pearl Harbor and Its Aftermath (1982) offered a quasi-revisionist view of the Roosevelt Administration’s scapegoating of the Pearl Harbor commanders and subsequent cover-up.

The Pearl Harbor book led to Toland’s association with the Holocaust revisionist Institute for Historical Review (IHR), at whose meeting he spoke.

After Jewish terrorists firebombed the Institute on the Fourth of July, 1984, destroying its warehouse and inventory of books (American authorities “never found”—or punished—the perpetrators), Toland wrote to the IHR:

When I learned of the torching of the office-warehouse of the Institute for Historical Review I was shocked. And when I heard no condemnation of this act of terrorism on television and read no protests in the editorial pages of our leading newspapers or from the halls of academia, I was dismayed and incensed. Where are those defenders of democracy who over the years have so vigorously protested the burning of books by Hitler? Are they only summer soldiers of democracy, selective in their outrage? I call on all true believers in democracy to join me in public denunciation of the recent burning of books in Torrance, California.

Toland’s Adolf Hitler was based upon a great deal of original research, including previously unpublished documents, diaries, notes, photographs, and interviews with Hitler’s colleagues and associates.

I have had difficulty identifying a good copy of the biography for sale on Amazon due to the headache of multiple editions and reprints I mentioned earlier.

As near as I can determine, the initial publication was Adolf Hitler, 2 vols. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1976). However, sellers often list it for sale on Amazon while really having only one volume (which one is usually undeterminable) in stock. On the other hand, one seller informed me that he checked his 1976 edition in the warehouse, and it appeared to be a complete book in one volume. My impression is that the reprint (I assume it is unrevised), Adolf Hitler: The Definitive Biography (Doubleday, 1992), is the same book in a single volume.

Toland’s biography was well-received by both reviewers and the public. In his autobiography Toland wrote that he earned little money from his Pulitzer Prize-winning The Rising Sun, but was set for life thanks to the earnings from Adolf Hitler.

Patrick Buchanan penned a column about the book in 1977, after which he was widely condemned for “praising Hitler.”

Daniel Weiss of the Virginia Quarterly Review wrote that “In some respects the Hitler who emerges is almost too human, too normal.”

Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical Review and a longtime WWII revisionist who reads German, writes:

I’m sometimes asked which biography of Hitler I think is best, or which I recommend. In my view, the best single biography of Hitler, and the one I most often recommend, is the one by John Toland, Adolf Hitler. It’s especially good in helping the reader to understand Hitler’s personality and outlook. Kershaw’s biography is detailed, but it’s also very slanted and leaves out a lot.

It would be a mistake to assume that Weber’s recommendation is the result of Toland’s brief connection with the IHR. Adolf Hitler was written several years before that relationship developed. Moreover, in 1977, when David Irving offered a thousand pound reward to anyone who could produce a single wartime document showing that Hitler knew anything about the Holocaust, Toland published an emotional appeal in Der Spiegel urging his fellow historians to refute Irving.

It is unlikely that Toland’s book is “pro-Hitler.” Certainly, reviewers have not attacked it as such.

Conclusion

I guess I’ll go with Toland’s biography, evidently the most objective, despite owning several others instead.

Although I’ve only scratched the surface, it is apparent that enormous effort is required to merely survey the field before diving in to actually get a handle on The Most Evil Man Who Ever Lived.

And what is the likely outcome of such an effort?

Well, David Irving, who has spent the better part of a lifetime studying the Führer, concluded:

What is the result of twenty years’ toiling in the archives? Hitler will remain an enigma, however hard we burrow. Even his intimates realised that they hardly knew him. General Alfred Jodl, his closest strategic adviser, wrote in his Nuremberg cell on March 10, 1946: “I ask myself, did you ever really know this man at whose side you led such a thorny and ascetic existence? To this very day I do not know what he thought or knew or really wanted.”
 
Rauschning's Phony 'Conversations With Hitler': An Update

Link: http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v06/v06p499_Weber.html

By Mark Weber

One of the most widely quoted sources of information about Hitler's personality and secret intentions is the supposed memoir of Hermann Rauschning, the National Socialist President of the Danzig Senate in 1933-1934 who was ousted from the Hitler movement a short time later and then made a new life for himself as a professional anti-Nazi.

In the book known in German as Conversations with Hitler (Gespraeche mit Hitler) and first published in the U.S. in 1940 as The Voice of Destruction, Rauschning presents page after page of what are purported to be Hitler's most intimate views and plans for the future, allegedly based on dozens of private conversations between 1932 and 1934. After the war the memoir was introduced as Allied prosecution exhibit USSR-378 at the main Nuremberg "war crimes" trial.

Among the damning quotations attributed to Hitler by Rauschning are these memorable statements:


We must be brutal. We must regain a clear conscience about brutality. Only then can we drive out the tenderness from our people ... Do I propose to exterminate entire nationalities? Yes, it will add up to that ... I naturally have the right to destroy millions of men of inferior races who increase like vermin ... Yes, we are barbarians. We want to be barbarians. It is an honorable title.

Hitler is also supposed to have confided to Rauschning, an almost unknown provincial official, fantastic plans for a German world empire that would include Africa, South America, Mexico and, eventually, the United States.

Many prestigious historians, inculding Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, Alan Bullock, Joachim Fest, Nora Levin and Robert Payne, used choice quotations from Rauschning's memoir in their works of history. Poliakov, one of the most prominent Holocaust writers, specifically praised Rauschning for his "exceptional accuracy, while Levin, another widely-read Holocaust historian, called him "one of the most penetrating analysts of the Nazi period."

But not everyone has been so credulous. Swiss historian Wolfgang Haenel spent five years diligently investigating the memoir before announcing his findings in 1983 at a revisionist history conference in West Germany. The renowned Conversations with Hitler, he declared are a total fraud. The book has no value "except as a document of Allied war propaganda."

Haenel was able to conclusively establish that Rausching's claim to have met with Hitler "more than a hundred times" is a lie. The two actually met only four times, and never alone. The words attributed to Hitler, he showed, were simply invented or lifted from many different sources, including writings by Juenger and Friedrich Nietzsche. An account of Hitler hearing voices, waking at night with convulsive shrieks and pointing in terror at an empty corner while shouting "There, there, in the corner!" was taken from a short story by French writer Guy de Maupassant.

The phony memoir was designed to incite public opinion in democratic countries, especially in the United States, in favor of war against Germany. The project was the brainchild of the Hungarian-born journalist Emery Reves, who ran an influential anti-German press and propaganda agency in Paris during the 1930s. Haenel has also found evidence that a prominent British journalist named Henry Wickham-Steele helped to produce the memoir. Wickham-Steele was a right-hand man of Sir Robert Vansittart, perhaps the most vehemently anti-German figure in Britain.

A report about Haenel's sensational findings appeared in the Fall 1983 issue of The Journal of Historical Review. More recently, West Germany's most influential weekly periodicals, Die Zeit, and Der Spiegel (7 September 1985), have run lengthy articles about historical hoax. Der Spiegel concluded that Rauschning's Conversations with Hitler "are a falsification, an historical distortion from the first to the last page ... Haenel not only proves the falsification, he also shows how the impressive surrogate was quickly compiled and which ingredients were mixed together."

There are some valuable lessons to be learned from the story of this sordid hoax, which took more than 40 years to finally unmask: It shows that even the most brazen historical fraud can have a tremendous impact if it serves important interests, that it's easier to invent a great historical lie than to expose one and finally, that everyone should be extremely wary of even the "authoritative" portrayals of the emotionally-charged Hitler era.

A footnote: Readers interested in an authentic record of Hitler's personality and private views should look into the fascinating and wide-ranging memoir of Otto Wagener, published in August 1985 by Yale University Press under the title Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant. Wagener was the first Chief of Staff of the SA ("stormtroopers") and Director of the Economic-Political Department of the National Socialist Party. He spent hundreds of hours with Hitler between 1929 and 1932, many of them alone.


From The Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1985-86 (Vol. 6, No. 4), pp. 499-500.

See also: Mark Weber, "Swiss Historian Exposes Anti-Hitler Rauschning Memoir as Fraudulent" (http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v04/v04p378_Weber.html)
 
Swiss Historian Exposes Anti-Hitler Rauschning Memoir as Fraudulent

Link: http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v04/v04p378_Weber.html

Mark Weber

Virtually every major biography of Adolf Hitler or history of the Third Reich quotes from the memoir of Hermann Rauschning, a former National Socialist Senate President of Danzig. In the book published in Britain as Hitler Speaks (London, 1939) and in America as The Voice of Destruction (New York, 1940) Rauschning presents page after page of what are purported to be Hitler's most intimate views and plans for the future. They are allegedly based on a hundred or so private conversations between the two men.

Now, after more than forty years, a Swiss historian has thoroughly exposed this supposed document of Hitler's madness as completely fraudulent. Wolfgang Haenel presented the results of his research to the annual conference in May 1983 of the Ingolstadt Contemporary History Research Center in West Germany.

Rauschning's Hitler is nothing more than a nihilistic revolutionary utterly lacking in ideas, goals, principles or systematic ideology who demagogically exploited words and men to accumulate power for its own sake. He was a clever but completely unscrupulous opportunist who believed nothing of what he said. His National Socialism, according to Rauschning, was just a "Revolution of Nihilism." He was allegedly preoccupied with war. His numerous disarmament proposals and peace offers were just hypocritical rhetoric designed to mislead his future victims.

Of the man who unified Germany, Hitler is supposed to have said: "Bismarck was stupid. He was just a Protestant." He allegedly rebuked Rauschning for his qualms: "Why do you babble about brutality and get upset over suffering. The masses want that. They need some cruelty." "I want a violent, masterful, fearless, cruel youth," he is quoted as saying. On another occasion, Hitler reportedly declared: "Yes, we are barbarians. We want to be barbarians. It is an honorable title."

Wolfgang Haenel spent many years in detailed research, text comparison and interviewing contemporary witnesses. He found that instead of "about a hundred conversations" with Hitler, Rauschning actually met with the German leader only four or five times. And these few meetings were neither private nor lengthy, but always in the company of high ranking officials while visiting Hitler in Berlin or Obersalzberg. Rauschning never had the opportunity to hear Hitler's intimate views or secret plans for the future, as he boasted in his spurious "memoir."

Haenel shows that some of the words attributed to Hitler by Rauschning were actually lifted from the works of Ernst Juenger and Friedrich Nietzsche. Hitler is quoted as making statements which could not possibly have been made at the times alleged. Some quotes supposedly made in private were in fact taken from speeches made by Hitler after 1935, the year Rauschning left for France. Haenel also exposes serious contradictions between events as presented by Rauschning and the way they actually occurred, as in the case of an alleged conversation following the Reichstag fire of March 1933.

Haenel shows that the spurious memoir was commissioned by some French journalists and New York publishing firms as a literary weapon in the propaganda war against National Socialist Germany. For many years the amount paid to the financially strapped Rauschning for his work remained a record in France for a political book.

The democratic mass media, which devoted endless columns of print and hours of broadcast time in denouncing the so-called Hitler diaries as phony, characteristically ignored the story of the exposure of this great historical hoax. An exception was the generally sober West German daily Die Welt (19 May) which, however, buried its report on page 21. The U.S. daily press published nothing.

To his credit, American historian John Toland made no use of the Rauschning work in his detailed study, Adolf Hitler. And German historian Werner Maser noted in his biography of Hitler that "Rauschning's statements may, at best, be considered a secondary historical source. They have no documentary value."

It is always easier to produce a forged document or phony memoir than to prove it false. But it's still remarkable that it took this long for someone to expose the Rauschning work as fraudulent. Any open-minded reader familiar with the literature on Hitler can determine rather quickly that The Voice of Destruction is an imaginative concoction. It simply lacks the "feel" of authenticity. In contrast, the genuine memoir of Otto Wagener, Hitler aus naechster Naehe, provides lengthy and detailed insights into Hitler's thinking and private views. As first chief of Staff of the SA ("Brown Shirts") and Director of the EconomicPolitical Department of the National Socialist Party, Wagener got to know Hitler intimately. They spent hundreds of hours together between 1929 and 1932, many of them alone.

The Ingolstadt Contemporary History Research Center deserves credit for its role in exposing this great fraud. Its director, Dr. Alfred Schickel, has authored numerous substantial revisionist historical essays.

Wolfgang Haenel's long overdue debunking of the Rauschning memoir is a welcome contribution to the slow and painful process of clarification in an age of historical obfuscation.


From The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1983 (Vol. 4, No. 3), pages 378-380.
 
A Prominent German Historian Tackles Taboos of Third Reich History

Prof. Nolte's Controversial New Book

•Streitpunkte: Heutige und künftige Kontroversen um den Nationalsozialismus ("Points of Contention: Current and Future Controversies about National Socialism"), by Ernst Nolte. Berlin and Frankfurt: Propyläen, 1993. Hardcover. 492 pages. Notes. Index. ISBN: 3-549-05234-0.

Reviewed by Mark Weber

Almost half a century after its dramatic demise, the Third Reich continues to fascinate millions and provoke heated discussion. Historians, sociologists, journalists and educated lay persons debate such questions as: How was German National Socialist regime possible? How deep was popular support for Hitler and his government? Was the National Socialist regime "reactionary" or "modern," or some combination of each? Did the Third Reich represent aberration or continuity in German history? What is the origin and precise nature of the wartime "final solution of the Jewish question"?

Few persons are as qualified to tackle such questions as Dr. Ernst Nolte, emeritus professor of history at Berlin's renowned Free University. Best known for his acclaimed study of the phenomenon of fascism -- published in English as Three Faces of Fascism -- Nolte is the author of numerous books and scholarly articles. (Three books by him have been published since 1990 alone.) No stranger to controversy, it was Prof. Nolte who touched off the furious intellectual debate during the late 1980s about the legacy of Hitler and German National Socialism known as the "historians' dispute" or Historikerstreit.

Nolte continues the discussion in this, his latest and most controversial book, a work packed with arresting observations and insights, and written in a readable narrative style meant for both the specialist and the educated lay reader. This attractively produced book is issued by one of Germany's most prominent and respected publishers.

'Radical Revisionism'

What is most strikingly new in this book is Nolte's informed and open-minded treatment of the work of what he calls the "radical revisionists." With candor that is very rare among prominent scholars, Nolte confesses (pp. 7-9) in the foreword:

... I must acknowledge that, without more closely examining them, I accepted as true the factuality of events, including the figure of six million [Jewish] victims and the primary importance of the gas chambers as an instrument of extermination, as claimed by the perpetrators and victims in the large-scale trials of the 1960s, and which were not questioned by the defendants' attorneys.

Only much later, in the late 1970s, did I become aware of the doubts and counter-claims of a new school, that of the "revisionists." During this same period, the research of historians of contemporary history of the stature of Martin Broszat (who founded the so-called "functionalist" school), called into question the assumption that the extermination events were the result of an intention of Hitler, and thus of an ideolog.

At the same time, the more radical thesis, most effectively expressed by Frenchmen such as Paul Rassinier and Robert Faurisson, that there never was a "final solution" in the sense of an ideologically based mass extermination, and that the deaths of hundreds of thousands in camps and ghettos, or as a result of shootings by the Einsatzgruppen [security police forces], must be viewed in the context of the demands and circumstances of the time and certain excessive desires on the part of the military leadership. This thesis can no longer be rejected as merely nonsensical or wicked.

... I soon came to the conviction that this [revisionist] school was being opposed in the establishment literature in an unscholarly way, that is, by simple rejection, by imputing the outlook of the authors, and, above all, by treating it with silence.

But even a quick look is enough to show that the outlook of the left-wing Socialist and former member of the French National Assembly, Paul Rassinier, although anti-Zionist, is also humane. And no one can accuse Robert Faurisson or Carlo Mattogno of a lack of specialized knowledge.

In the chapter entitled "The 'Final Solution of the Jewish Question' in the View of the Radical Revisionists," Nolte deals at length with the writings of prominent Holocaust revisionists, including Rassinier, Faurisson, Carlo Mattogno and Arthur Butz. Nolte also reports -- unpolemically and with some respect -- on the work of the Institute for Historical Review and this Journal.

Defending the validity of the work of these scholars (p. 308), he writes:

The widely held opinion that any doubts about the dominant view regarding the "Holocaust" and the Six Million must be treated, from the outset, as the expression of a wicked and inhumane outlook, and, if possible, banned ... is absolutely unacceptable, and indeed must be rejected as an attack against the principle of scholarly freedom.

... The questions [raised by revisionists] about the reliability of witnesses, the value of documents as evidence, the technical feasibility of certain operations, the credibility of statistical estimates, and the importance of circumstances are not only permissible, but, on scholarly grounds, are unavoidable. Moreover, every attempt to suppress [revisionist] arguments and evidence by ignoring or prohibiting them must be regarded as illegitimate.

Notwithstanding his serious and respectful attitude toward revisionist scholarship, and his rejection of a number of once widely accepted Holocaust claims, it would be a mistake to count Nolte as a "Holocaust revisionist."

He accepts, for example, that between five and six million Jews perished as victims of German wartime policy, and that hundreds of thousands of Jews were gassed at Auschwitz-Birkenau, Treblinka and other camps. (pp. 289-290)

Characteristic is his view of the well-known "confession" of Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss. While acknowledging that this key piece of Holocaust evidence was extracted by torture, and that key portions are "exaggerated," Nolte nevertheless accepts it as "qualitatively" valid. (pp. 293-294, 310)

Similarly, Nolte is skeptical of at least some portions of the widely quoted "testimony" of "gas chamber" witness Filip Müller, and he regards Elie Wiesel's "eyewitness report" (in his well-known book Night) as "not very credible." (pp. 311, 476) Still, Nolte contends, there must be a core of truth to the "gassing" story because it has been confirmed -- in its essence, if not in its details -- by several "witnesses."

Nolte accurately summarizes the findings of American engineer Fred Leuchter, who examined the supposed "gas chambers" of Auschwitz in 1988 -- and concluded that they were never used to kill people as alleged. More recently, Nolte has commented favorably on the detailed report of German chemist Germar Rudolf, who likewise carried out a forensic examination of the purported Auschwitz "gas chambers." (Rudolf re-affirmed the essential conclusions reached by Leuchter. See the Nov.-Dec. 1993 Journal, pp. 25-26.) In a January 1992 letter, Nolte praised the Rudolf Gutachten as "an important contribution to a very important issue," and expressed the hope that it will provoke wide discussion. "The final word in this exchange among the technical specialists," writes Nolte," has not yet been said." (p. 316)

With regard to documentary evidence, Nolte notes: "The fact that so many Nuremberg documents exist only as copies, and that the great majority of the 'originals' have never been made available is a further argument that cannot be lightly dismissed." (p. 314)

Hitler

As he makes repeatedly clear in this book, the Berlin professor is certainly no Nazi or "apologist for Hitler." (Nolte might best be characterized as a skeptical traditionalist.) At the same time, though, he attempts, throughout this book, to come to grips with the meaning of Hitler, presenting a complex view of the German leader that contrasts sharply with the popular media image.

Contrary to the widespread view of Hitler as a person of no real education or deep understanding, the transcripts of the German leader's freewheeling "table talk" remarks to colleagues alone show him to have been a man of extraordinary intelligence, perception and wide-ranging knowledge. Hitler understood English and French, and some Italian. He read widely, and had an astonishing knowledge in many fields. A reading of the transcripts of his conversations with minister Albert Speer, for example, shows that Hitler had a specialist's understanding of armaments. (p. 163)

Nolte takes note of the work of Rainer Zitelmann, a young German historian who has assembled compelling evidence to show that Hitler was a remarkably more far-sighted, subtle, intelligent and "modern" leader than historians have understood or acknowledged. (pp. 131, 150) As Nolte observes, English historian Alan Bullock argues that in the military field, Hitler's ideas and innovations were far more advanced and progressive than those of any other statesman of his time.

Far more accurately than Churchill, Stalin and Roosevelt, Hitler foresaw the shape of the world that would emerge in the aftermath of the Second World War. He rather clearly foresaw the Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, and the place of Germany in the postwar world.

Achievements

A real understanding of the Third Reich, Nolte maintains, requires an acknowledgment not only of Hitler's failures, but also of his undeniable achievements as a political leader and statesman.

Perhaps Hitler's "greatest achievement" -- in the view of one historian cited here -- was his success in winning the support of the great majority of the German people. This was due in no small part to another achievement: Hitler's success in bringing Germany out of the worldwide Great Depression, and in creating an "economic miracle" with full employment and prosperity with stable prices.

An "incredible achievement" was Hitler's success, within just five years, of transforming a forcibly demilitarized nation into Europe's strongest military power.

After a visit to Germany in 1936, David Lloyd George -- who had been Britain's premier during the First World War -- praised Hitler as "the greatest piece of luck that has come to your country since Bismarck, and personally I would say since Frederick the Great."

'Weak Dictatorship'

Hitler's Third Reich fostered an image of itself as a totalitarian, "monocratic," and authoritarian Führerstaat ("leadership state"). Regrettably, contends Nolte, too many historians have uncritically accepted this misleading image.

Echoing arguments that have been made by others, including British historian David Irving, Nolte points out that authority and power in the Third Reich was actually far more widely diffused than many realize. With Hitler's indulgence, political leaders and a bewildering array of state and party agencies competed with one another, frequently working at cross purposes.

Commenting (perhaps with some exaggeration) on this state of affairs, a frustrated Joseph Goebbels confided to his diary in 1942: "Everyone does and permits whatever he wants because there's no strong authority anywhere ... The Party does its own thing, and won't permit itself to be influenced by anyone." Entire Third Reich government ministries remained practically "Nazi free," notes Nolte, and while many younger officers were dedicated National Socialists, the German armed forces remained largely free of NS party influence.

Sir Neville Henderson, Britain's ambassador in Berlin in 1939, regarded Hitler as an essentially reasonable and moderate man, while German propaganda chief Dr. Goebbels complained during the war about Hitler's lack of decisiveness. As Nolte observes, historian Hans Mommsen has characterized Hitler as a "weak dictator." (p. 179)

In cultural and intellectual life, the numerous official rivalries contributed to fostering a surprising degree of "plurality." Church affairs minister Kerrl sharply criticized the "neo-pagan" views of party ideologue Rosenberg who, for his part, denounced the writings of education minister Rust as ideologically wrong-headed. (p. 175)

Drawing parallels between the government style of Hitler's Third Reich and Roosevelt's New Deal, Nolte suggests that a degree of "chaos" of governmental authorities and agencies may be an integral feature of every modern liberal democratic state. (p. 384)

Reactionary or Modern?

Frequently portrayed as the quintessential "reactionary" regime, Nolte marshals considerable evidence here to show that the Third Reich was, in many regards, a pace-setting "modern" society. In recent years, Nolte and other (generally younger) German historians have more and more strongly emphasized the "modernistic" tendencies in the Third Reich, which presaged developments in the United States and other liberal-democratic societies. "In its essence," one female historian has recently concluded (p. 150), German National Socialism was "an anti-traditional, modernizing force."

Nolte takes note here of the Third Reich's innovative large-scale urban planning and environmental policies, its promotion of modern housing for the general population, education of gifted children from poor families in progressive but elite schools, a strong democratization process within the German armed forces, the character of the National Socialist party as a broad-based, non-sectarian "peoples party," and the elimination of mass unemployment and job creation through programs that can be called "Keynesian."

Even Dr. Goebbels' much-maligned propaganda machinery might more accurately be described as a "modern instrument of government on an American model, through which the democracies seek to continue their rule in the post-bourgeois society and to perpetuate their technocratic system." (pp. 150 f.)

'European Civil War'

A central premise of this book is the author's view that the core of 20th-century European history is the era from 1914 to 1991 -- that is, from the outbreak of the First World War to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Nolte characterizes this period as a great European Civil War, a life and death struggle between the forces of Communism, on the one hand, and the rest of Europe and the West, on the other. He writes (p. 11):

The great civil war of the 20th century was the life-and-death struggle between chiliastish [millennial] Communism, which first came to power in a large state [Russia] in 1917, and all other forces, which it was convinced were doomed to failure as "capitalist" or "bourgeois," but which were concentrated in surprising strength and decisiveness in German National Socialism ...

The high point of this struggle was the titanic clash between the armies of Soviet Russia and National Socialist Germany.

Red Star or Swastika?

Turning to "future controversies," Nolte deals at length with the nature and impact of Soviet Communism (Bolshevism). Even more than has been the case with National Socialist Germany, he suggests, historians have too readily accepted the Soviet regime's propaganda image of itself. Far too many western historians have failed to appreciate the bloody reality of Soviet Communism, or the very real threat it posed to Europe.

At the time of his death in 1953, Nolte observes, Stalin was mourned by millions around the world, even though he had already put to death in peacetime more people than Hitler would later cause to be killed as civilians during war. Stalin imposed the greatest and bloodiest social revolution in history -- the so-called "collectivization" of agriculture -- which meant the extermination of millions of Soviet Russia's most productive farmers. (p. 158)

As Nolte points out, more and more evidence has come to light in recent years to show that Stalin was preparing to attack Germany and Europe in 1941, and that Hitler's "Barbarossa" attack of June 22, 1941, had the character of a preventive strike. This thesis, which if true demands a drastic revision of the generally accepted view of the entire Second World War, has been most persuasively presented by Russian historian V. Suvorov (Rezun) in his book Icebreaker. (pp. 269-271).

For millions of Europeans in the 1920s and 1930s, the Red Star and the Swastika represented the only realistic alternatives for the future of Germany, and indeed, of the entire West. Hitler was by no means the only European leader who took seriously the Soviet danger to European order, culture and civilization. Without the reality of this threat, the "fascist" response of Germany (and other European nations) is hardly imaginable.

Hitler, in Nolte's view, was an anti-Communist of "Communist" decisiveness and spiritual energy. Alone among his contemporaries, he fought Communism with radical, "non-bourgeois" ruthlessness. (pp. 349-367). Nolte writes (pp. 366 f.):

Twentieth century world history is only understandable when one is willing to acknowledge the connection made by the enemies of Bolshevism between a fear of annihilation and an intention of annihilation, and to recognize the simple truth that the statements of anti-Communists about the misdeeds of Bolshevism were, in fact, well grounded. Since 1990, at the latest, these are facts that no longer be seriously disputed, and that even the propagandistic exaggerations [of anti-Communists] reflected a rational core ...

One day the question of the hierarchy of motives of Hitler and National Socialism will become a matter of dispute in the scholarly literature, and the thesis of the primacy of anti-Communism is likely to be a main point.

The Jewish Taboo

Fully conscious that any frank discussion of the Jewish role in 20th century history is fraught with danger, Nolte nevertheless boldly grabs hold of this taboo-protected "hot iron." For example, he approvingly cites words of Israeli Holocaust scholar Yehuda Bauer: "The National Socialist view was accurate insofar as it regarded the Jews as a foreign element in European society, with a different religion and ancestry." (p. 376) At another point, Nolte writes: "For the Zionists, including Herzl and Weizmann, anti-Semitism was an entirely natural reaction of the 'host nations' to the abiding separateness and the aggressive activity of the Jews, which was based on intellectual superiority." (p. 419)

Taking note of the ancient Jewish tradition of zealous opposition to any regime that seems to threaten Jewish interests, Nolte points out that within weeks after Hitler's coming to power, influential Jewish leaders were already calling for economic warfare against Germany.

At the outbreak of the war in Europe in 1939, Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann issued a kind of declaration of war against Germany, and in August 1941 leading Soviet Jews issued a passionate appeal to the Jews of the world to join in the life-and-death struggle against National Socialist Germany. (p. 396)

While rejecting talk of "Jewish Bolshevism" as misleadingly simplistic, Nolte points out the "undeniable fact" that Jews played a highly disproportionate role in the Bolshevik revolution. "Nothing was more understandable than that Jews and members of other minority peoples would play a major role in the February and October [1917] revolutions [in Russia]: Of the ten men who met with Lenin on October 23, 1917, and agreed to launch the [Bolshevik] revolution, no fewer then six were Jews." Referring to the Jewish role in the critical early years of the Soviet state, Nolte comments: "It is indeed doubtful whether the Bolshevik regime could have survived the [Russian] civil war [of 1917-1920] without men such as Trotsky, Zinoviev, Sverdlov, Kamenev, Sokolnikov and Uritsky." (p. 418)

'Real Thinking'

Consistent with the author's strong plea for a more thoughtful and objective look at the phenomenon of Hitler and National Socialism, Nolte presents his often highly unorthodox views without polemics, indeed with a certain reserve and tentativeness. Unlike those who incessantly insist that "we" must "never forget" the "lessons of the Holocaust," Nolte calls for an evaluation of the Hitler era as free as possible of strident, emotion-laden polemics and self-serving purposes. Any truly useful understanding of the Third Reich, Nolte argues persuasively, requires an informed awareness of the historical context.

While Nolte would not regard this book as any kind of final word on the "points of contention" dealt with here, he concludes (p. 431) with words of optimism:

I confidently expect that in the future real thinking about the National Socialist era will play a greater role in the scholarly literature, and that the controversies to which the final portion of this book is dedicated will therefore become specific themes for discussion.

Although the skewed mass media image of 20th century history that currently predominates is certain to continue to influence many for years to come, books such as this one give reason for hope that truth and common sense can and will eventually prevail.


Note(s)

From The Journal of Historical Review, Jan.-Feb. 1994 (Vol. 14, No. 1), pages 37 ff.
 
An Irishman’s Diary on Bridget Dowling, Hitler’s sister-in-law

Link: https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/...dget-dowling-hitler-s-sister-in-law-1.4085596

Mon, Nov 18, 2019, 00:01
Brian Maye

Bridget Stuart-Houston, who died 50 years ago on November 18th, began life as Bridget Dowling and was for a time known as Bridget Hitler, sister-in-law for a period to Adolf Hitler, thus providing him with a family connection to Ireland. It would not be a connection of which decent people would boast, which probably explains why it is relatively unknown.

We know from her gravestone in the Holy Sepulchre Catholic Cemetery in Coram, Long Island, that she was born on July 3rd, 1891, in Dublin but not much is known about her early life.

From the 1901 Irish census, we learn that she grew up at Fleming Place, near Mespil Road, Ballsbridge.

There is some disagreement about how she met Alois Hitler, half-brother to Adolf. She might have met him while working as a cook in the Shelbourne Hotel but the more common version, based on what purports to be her own memoir, My Brother-in-Law, Adolf (published posthumously in 1979), was that they met at the Dublin Horse Show in 1909.

He was stylishly dressed and told her he was a hotelier touring Europe when he struck up a conversation with her. In fact, he was a kitchen porter at the Shelbourne Hotel.

The young Bridget was smitten with the good-looking, exotic foreigner and they began to go out together, much to her family’s disapproval. They eloped to London in 1910, where they got married and later settled in Toxteth, Liverpool. Bridget’s relations with her family had become distant but reconciliation occurred when she had a son, William Patrick, called after her father, in 1911.

In the published memoir, she claimed that 23-year-old Adolf came to stay with them in Liverpool from November 1912 to April 1913 but historians have found sources that show he was in Austria at this time.

Alois struggled to provide for his family in England (the extent to which he tried or wanted to is debatable) and went to Germany in 1914, promising to send for them when he was secure. The war intervened, they did not hear from him and Bridget presumed he was dead. She worked to raise their son and her family in Ireland supported her.

But Alois was not dead. He had opened a restaurant in Berlin, which later was popular with senior Nazis, and had numerous affairs before remarrying bigamously. Bridget learned of his second marriage when he wrote to her begging her to say their marriage had been illegal (he had been charged with bigamy). She refused, as this would have made their son illegitimate, but in the court case that followed she curiously defended Alois by writing to the court that he honestly believed he was free to marry in Germany. In this way he escaped prison and had reason to be grateful to her.

William Patrick visited his father in Germany in 1929 and returned there in 1933 when his uncle Adolf Hitler became chancellor.

For various reasons, relations between uncle and nephew became fraught, and William Patrick returned to his mother in north London, where she ran a boarding-house.

It seems to have been the death (probably by suicide) of Hitler’s niece Geli, with whom the future fuhrer had had an unhealthy relationship, that decided him to leave Germany. In England, he capitalised on the family connection to give interviews and write articles about his increasingly prominent uncle, whom he described as a “madman”.

He and Bridget went to the US in 1939, where he was invited to give lectures on Hitler.

They decided to settle there. During the war, William Patrick served in the American navy and was honourably discharged in 1947.

He and his mother settled in Long Island, New York, where they changed their name to Stuart-Houston and lived quiet, obscure lives.

William Patrick married and had four sons, one of whom died young. He himself died suddenly in 1987 and was buried with his mother. None of his sons had children; it has been suggested that they made a pact not to have children in order to end the Hitler bloodline but there is no proof that this was the case.

Bridget’s dubious memoir inspired Beryl Bainbridge to write Young Adolf, a fictional account of his supposed visit to Liverpool, where he lolls around his in-laws’ house, displaying many of his sinister character traits. Someone in the little group who see him off from Lintz remarks: “Such a strong-willed young man. What a pity he will never amount to anything.”
 
Nazi history: Hitler's world views reexamined in biography

With "Hitler: A Global Biography," historian Brendan Simms emphasizes the dictator's obsession with Anglo-American capitalism as a motivation for his destructive rule.

Link: https://www.dw.com/en/nazi-history-hitlers-world-views-reexamined-in-biography/a-52691267

Surely, there are plenty enough books about Adolf Hitler in the world. Many biographies about Hitler have been published by renowned historians.

Most recently, Brendan Simms, a professor of the history of international relations at the University of Cambridge, has also ventured into the subject. While Hitler: A Global Biography was published in English last autumn, the nearly 1,000-page German translation was released on March 9.

The publication of a new, major Hitler biography is always an event in Germany. One week before its publication, German weekly magazine Der Spiegel published an interview with the Irish author and historian, in which Brendan Simms summarizes his main thesis: Hitler's driving force in domestic and foreign policy was born out of a love-hate relationship with "Anglo-America." It was not the fear of communism and the Soviet Union that led him to war and destruction, but rather the struggle with Great Britain and the United States and the fear of international capitalism.

Hitler's experiences during the years 1914-1918 were formative in this respect: "Admiration and respect arose from his experiences in the war. Hitler repeatedly referred to the toughness of the British, as he had experienced it at the front," Simms writes.

According to Simms, even Hitler's anti-Semitism did not arise primarily from a deep hatred of Jews, but secondarily, from a competition with "world capitalism" based in the US, where Jews were sitting in positions of power.

The German translation is out today, March 9

Many Hitler biographies — many different aspects

Several well-researched Hitler biographies have offered different perspectives in recent years.

One work remains an absolute standard: British author Ian Kershaw's two-volume Hitler biography published in 1998 and 2000, in which the historian focuses primarily on the interaction between Hitler and the German people. According to Kershaw, Hitler was able to act in this way because the Germans laid the foundation for National Socialist ideology on their own initiative.

Before and after Ian Kershaw's publications, various other biographers from Germany and abroad focused on different aspects of this chapter of history.

In 1973, German journalist Joachim Fest addressed the subject of Hitler, writing an over 1,000-page tome that became a bestseller and was long considered a standard work. It was later shown that Fest had made some serious errors in his research, partly because he had relied heavily on the statements of Albert Speer, Hitler's chief architect and minister of armaments and war production. The Holocaust was only marginally addressed by Fest.

However, journalist and historian Sven Felix Kellerhof still ranked Fest's book among the "seven most important Hitler biographies" last year. "Some non-fiction books can become classics — that is the case when, even though their content is outdated, they are still worth reading," Kellerhof said. Many critics considered Fest's book to be of great literary value.

How Hitler and his politics are to be interpreted has long been the subject of dispute between two camps of historians. The so-called "internationalists" see Hitler as a decisive, strong leader whose thinking and ideology had a decisive influence on what happened in the years between 1933 and 1945. On the other hand, the so-called "structuralists" are more interested in the cooperation and opposition of competing groups within the Nazi system than in Hitler's political weight.

Hitler: A Global Biography bookcover (Blackstone Pub)
The English original came out last fall

Several groups of historians are still debating the image of Hitler

How National Socialism could function at all under Hitler and his collaborators was the subject of further, controversial interpretations. For instance, different scholars have looked into Hitler's psychological stability.

And then along came Brendan Simms' book Hitler: A Global Biography. Following its publication in English, the reactions were mixed.

The Guardian criticized the overly strong focus on the main thesis that Hitler had acted solely due to his obsession with Great Britain and the US.

History News Network criticized the Irish historian's assumption that Hitler was "mentally stable," acting as a "rational" person: "Simms accepts him as a person driven by an ideology with a clearly defined intellectual superstructure, and not as a deeply insecure, narcissistic sociopath."

National Review was a little more gracious, writing that Simms' focus on Hitler's obsession with the US went a little too far, but that the book was worth reading despite all its shortcomings. It added that it was more of a contribution to a debate than a final interpretation of the figure of Adolf Hitler. It is not, as Simms himself admits, "the whole Hitler."

A possible reassessment of history

And indeed, Brendan Simms writes at the beginning of his work that "the present book (...) in many respects does not measure up to its predecessors." It is "clearly not the first significant work on its subject, nor will it be the last." That sounds modest. Only a little later, however, the author writes confidently that based on his assertions, "Hitler's biography, and perhaps the history of the Third Reich more generally, need to be fundamentally rethought."

Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill (picture-alliance/akg-images)
Hitler's chief adversaries — in Simms' view: Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill

Simms returns, again and again, almost religiously, to Hitler's fixation on Anglo-Saxon politics, society and culture, but there are also other striking aspects in his interpretation of history. In his view, France, but also the Soviet Union, play only a subordinate role in the historical developments of this time — because Hitler did not regard these nations as competitors. According to the historian, for a long time, Hitler didn't even view the Soviet Union as a threat.

A reinterpretation of Hitler's perception of Germans

Simms pushes a further point home as well. He believes that Hitler had a very negative view of his own people, even after 1933: "He continued to not think much of the German people as whole. He was painfully aware of their poverty and ignorance," the historian writes. Even two years before the outbreak of the war, Hitler realized the competition with Anglo-America — with regard to the living standards of the nations — was lost. "In May 1937, Hitler basically admitted defeat," Simms writes.

But Hitler's relationship to the Anglo-American realm was also highly contradictory. For example, Simms writes that in earlier years the German politician had expressed himself nearly enviously: "A main subject of his interest was the United States, which he began to regard, perhaps even more so than the British Empire, as a model state."

This had to do primarily with Hitler's view of the Americans' alleged geographical advantages. And also because the country was a nation full of German expatriates. That's why, Simms writes, Hitler was pushing for new "living space" for Germans in the eastern part of the European continent.

For a long time, Hitler had "only" aimed to establish Germany as a major power in Europe, but no more, Simms noted. He wanted to create a counterweight to the US as a world power. "Hitler's goal was not world domination, but survival of the nation."

Simms concludes: "Hitler's entire strategy had ultimately consisted, right up to the end, in using the threat of Bolshevism to exert political influence on Germany, Europe and, above all, Anglo-America." That's a bold thesis. It is likely to be of interest for historians from now on, and not only in Germany.
 
Robert Fisk: The premier who thought Hitler was a 'Joan of Arc'

Wartime diaries

Link: https://www.independent.co.uk/voice...thought-hitler-was-a-joan-of-arc-1998351.html

Sunday 23 October 2011 07:23

The date: 10 February 1937. The city: Ottawa. The man: William Lyon Mackenzie King, prime minister of Canada, soon to be the trusted wartime friend and confidant of Winston Churchill.

That frozen day in the Canadian capital, King recorded in his diary a friendly encounter with an old man on Wilbrod Street, a Jewish Russian immigrant called Cohen who had divided his possessions – a furniture and clothing business on Rideau and Banks Streets – among his three sons and daughter. He was now in retirement. As another former Canadian prime minister, Brian Mulroney, said of the Cohens, "a true Canadian success story".

Mulroney described to a Jewish meeting in Toronto last month how his illustrious predecessor "listened to Mr Cohen thoughtfully, treated him kindly" and then recorded the encounter in his diary. And this, dear reader, is what the odious King wrote: "The only unfortunate part of the whole story is that the Jews having acquired foothold of (sic) Sandy Hill, it will not be long before this part of Ottawa will become more or less possessed by them. I should not be surprised if, some time later, Laurier House (the prime minister's residence) was left as about the only residence not occupied by Jews in this part of the city."

Mulroney's devastating critique – it gets much worse – was published in last Monday's edition of Canada's ever more lunatic National Post, a paper which reads more and more like a right-wing Israeli settlers' house magazine in its defamatory attacks on the dead Turks of last week's aid convoy to Gaza and in its grovelling support for Israel's indisciplined army. Many Jews in the 1930s – even those who survived the Holocaust while still living in Nazi Germany – opposed the Zionist project for Palestine on the grounds that this would deprive the Arabs of their land, the one and a half million Palestinians now living in the prison of Gaza are part of the tragedy they foresaw. I do not know if Mr Cohen shared their views. It doesn't matter.

What is important is that Mackenzie King – "one of the most delightful men I have ever met" in the words of Churchill's rash son Randolph – set off, a few months after his encounter with Mr Cohen, to meet Chancellor Adolf Hitler of Germany. And here are the reflections of Canada's prime minister on the Führer who will launch the Second World War scarcely two years later.

"He (Hitler) smiled very pleasantly and indeed had a sort of appealing and affectionate look in his eyes. My sizing up of the man as I sat and talked with him was that he is really one who truly loves his fellow man. His face is much more prepossessing than his pictures would give the impression of. It is not that of a fiery overstrained nature but of a calm, passive man deeply and thoughtfully in earnest ... His eyes impressed me most of all. There was a liquid quality about them which indicates keen perception and profound sympathy. Calm, composed and one could see how particularly humble folk would have come to have profound love for the man. As I talked with him I could not but think of Joan of Arc..."

This is not just OUCH! This is "Jesus, Joseph and Mary!" Several times over. Next day, our Canadian hero was off to see Nazi foreign minister Konstantin von Neurath. "He admitted that they (the Nazis) had taken some pretty rough steps in cleaning up the situation ... He said to me that I would have loathed living in Berlin with the Jews, and the way in which they had increased their numbers in the city, and were taking possession of its more important part ... Many of them were very coarse and vulgar and assertive ... I left him (von Neurath) feeling that I had met a man whose confidence I would continue to enjoy through the rest of my days ... He is, if there ever was one, a genuinely kind, good man."

Little surprise, then, that when a passenger ship called St Louis – packed with 700 Jews fleeing Europe, their faces alight with hope before the cameras as it approached Canada on 17 June 1939 – Mackenzie King's government refused it entry. Canadians protested. So did journalists. And if you look today at photographs of the ship, you'll see children, husbands and wives with faces of smiling relief. They were safe. But they were not. They were sent back to the gas chambers.

There's no doubt why the National Post carried Mulroney's terrible story last week: to smother our condemnation of Israel's latest brutality. As usual, we who speak out against the ruthlessness of Israel's army – as, of course, we do against the Arabs – are anti-Semites. Remember the Holocaust. Remember Our Guilt. But it was Rick Salutin of the Toronto Globe and Mail who got it right this week. "It seems to me," he wrote, "that Israel's leaders have grown mindlessly, habitually dependent on asserting their own victimisation. This was often effective, based largely on sympathies rooted in revulsion of the Holocaust and the story of Western anti-Semitism. But this has gradually changed, due partly to the arrival of generations who, as it were, knew not Hitler, and aren't inclined to feel even indirectly guilty for him. The shift became evident during the 2008 Gaza invasion ... Yet Israel's leaders still automatically assume the victim position ... Societies that lose their internal dissent and self-criticism have a sad and scary record, especially when combined with a sense of victimisation."

I was on a Turkish television show this week and two of the other speakers were Jews from Israel. But both were outraged at the actions of their own government. And I wonder, as I write this, whether the doomed Jews on the St Louis might not agree with us, rather than the cruel regime that has laid claim to their souls. As for Mackenzie King... Well, he knew how to turn a boat away.
 
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