GERMANIC HISTORICAL BELIEFS

[Sophia]

29

http://www.thetroth.org/

QUOTE

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In the earlier days of our folk,

the most honoured female leaders of the tribes

were the spae-women who advised the war-chiefs

concerning their battles with Rome.

The most notable of these women was the Veleda,

who fore-saw the victory of the Batavi and gave rede

for the tribe to rise against the Romans in 69 C.E.

Of her, Tacitus says, 'She was a maiden from the tribe of the Bructeri

who possessed great powers,

according to the old custom
f the Germanic peoples

to regard many women as seeresses,

and in an extended superstition to consider them even to be goddesses'

(Histories IV, 61).

Just as Hermann the Cheruscan is o
ften given worship today

as the embodiment of early Teutonic manhood and warrior-might,

the first of our gr
eat heroes, so the Veleda is given a like worship

as the embodiment of early Teutonic womanhood and deep soul-wisdom,

the first of our great heroines.

````````````````````````````````````````````````````

People with fore-sight, both women and men,

appear often in the sagas.

Here we see one of the few identifiable differences

between spae-craft and seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r:

spae-folk are highly respected and considered valuable members

of the community even by christian sagamenn long after the conversion,

while seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°-folk are more marginal figures.

There was clearly, in the minds of our forebears, <
br>
a meaningful difference between spae-craft and seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r:

the one was usually prophetic and usually weal-working,

the other was usually a magical craft and often woe-working.

Some of the Norse spae-folk who
got much honour for their work

include ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rhallr spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡maÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r, of whom it was said that he was

'madr frodr ok miog framsynn' (FlateyjarbÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³k I, p. 419)
,

and who was given the greatest respect by his friend and patron Hallr;

the vÃÆ’¶lva HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r who tells Ingimundr inn gamli what has happened

to his silver pouch-idol of Freyr;

and ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbÃÆ’¶jrg litilvÃÆ’¶lva the Greenlandish spae-wife

(of whom more is said below, as she also practiced seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r).

'Spae' is also used as a descriptive for helpful wights:

spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡maÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is also used for a landwight in ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rvalds ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ttr vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°fÃÆ’¶rla,

and Sigmundr's spiritual protectresses are called spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡dÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­sir in VÃÆ’¶lsunga saga.

Spae-craft is associated directly with the Norns

i
n Nornagests ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ttr (FlateyjarbÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³k I, lÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡fs saga Tryggvasonar).

Nornagestr says that

'fÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³ru ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ um land vÃÆ’¶lur, er kallaÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ar vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ru spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡konur,
ok spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°u mÃÆ’¶nnum ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶g, ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ buÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°u margir menn ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾eim heim ok
gerÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°u ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾eim veizlur o
k gÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡fu ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾eim gÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a gripi at skilnaÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°i'

(vÃÆ’¶lur, which were called spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡konur,

fared
about the land then and prophesied the ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶gs of men,

wherefore many men invited them home and prepared feasts

for them and gave them good treasures when they parted)

... and later refers to the three spae-women as 'norns'.

Here they appear as not only speaking,

but shaping Wyrd for the newborn child:

when the youngest norn is treated disrespectfully,

she gives Nornagestr a life no longer than it takes the candle to burn down,

whereafter the oldest norn immediately puts the candle out

and tells the baby's mother to take good care of it

(Nornagestr lives three hundred years,
and ends
his life by burning the candle at OlÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡fr's court).

These spae-wives very much resemble the lesser norns,

mentioned by Snorri in the Prose Edda,

who come to each child at birth to shape its ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶g.

These lesser no
rns are clearly dÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­sir;
it is quite possible that there may have been a relationship
between idises and spae-craft.

The practice of spae-craft
varied in the old days.

Sometimes it seemed to call for special trance-techniques,
as in the case of ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rgeirr the Lawspeaker who went 'under the cloak'

for two days before deeming Iceland's religious future

(and made the decision which preserved the religious lore of the North
until it could be written down;
had christianity been enforced in Iceland rather than accepted quietly,
we would almost certainly have lost all the tales and elder lays

of our god/esses).

Other times, as in ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾iÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°randa ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ttr ok ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rhalls

(FlateyjarbÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³k I, pp. 418-21), where the
words hyggja

(to intuit) and bjoÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a (to bode)

are used by ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rhallr spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡maÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r to describe his premonition,

spae-craft seems to have been a matter of psychic sensing
with no special effort made.

The matter was cl
early a question of both personal character

and the situation at hand:

ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rgeirr had a specific problem which he needed to resolve,

whereas ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rhall
r sensed the doom hanging over
the upcoming Winternights festivities.

Both types of spae-craft are highly useful.

One can grow in the latter by careful attention to fore-bodings -

by considering one's feelings, especially before large happenings
and holy feasts, and writing them down,
then waiting to see what comes of them.

Close attention paid to personal feelings and outside omens,

and their following consequences, at the three greatest feasts of the year

(Yule, Ostara, and Winternights)
and those on which divination is traditionally done i
n the North

(Waluburg's Night and Midsummer) -
can also help one recognise and develop one's own spae-craft,
if one has the root talent.

Closely akin in function to the womanly word vÃÆ’¶lva,

but not u
sed as loosely,

is the manly word thule (Old Norse ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ulr).

The word comes from the same root as ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ula,

'to speak'; it also appears as the Anglo-Saxon ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾yle,

a title used for Unferth in Beowulf and gl
ossed as 'orator, jester'.

Unferth appears as Hrothgar's champion,

though he battles with words instead of weapons;
he is clearly a highly valued member of the court,
for he has a place beside the king even though he killed his own brother.

The word was current as a religious title for human speakers in Old Norse,
as shown by the famous SnÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸ldelev stone
which honours 'Gunvald, son of Roald,
thule on the Sal-howes'

(Moltke, Runes and their Origins, pp. 165-166).

The word
ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ulr is also used for the etin VafÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾rÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡ºÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°nir,

who tells ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn of the end of the worlds (VafÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾rÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡ºÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°nismÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡l 9);
the dwarf Reginn, foster-father of SigurÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r VÃÆ’¶lsung (FÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡fnismÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡l 34),
and ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn himself, who goes by the name of Fimbul-ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ul
r
(the Great Thul). In HÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡vamÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡l, he says,

MÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡l er at ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ylia ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ular stÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³li ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡,
UrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ar brunni at;
sÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ er ok ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾agÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ac, sÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ ec oc hugÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ac,
hlÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡½dda ec ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ manna mÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡l;
of rÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡ºnar heyrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a ec dma
, nÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡© um rÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°om ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾gÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°o,
HÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡va hllo at, HÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡va hllo ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­,
heyrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a ec segia svÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡

(It is time to speak as a thule,

on the thule's seat,

at the Well of Wyrd;

I saw and was silent, I saw and thought,
I listened to the speech of folk;
I heard deeming of runes, and they were not silent of redes,
at the halls of the High One, in the halls of the High One,
thus I heard tell).

It is clear that the thule, like the spae-wife and seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°kona,

has a special seat prepared for him from which he speaks inspired words -

words that stem from th
e Well of Wyrd:

when he sits upon his hallowed seat,
he is in the stead where all the ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶gs of the worlds are deemed.

We note that the two uses of Fimbul-ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ulr for ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn are both
in seemingly formulaic phrases speaking<
br>of the holy/magical uses of the runes:

ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾eim er gorÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°o ginregin
ok fÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°i fimbulÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ulr (which the Ginn-Regin made
and Fimbulthulr coloured);
er fÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°i fimbulÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ulr
o
k gorÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°o ginnregin
ok reist hroptr rgna (which Fimbulthulr coloured,
and the Ginn-Regin made,
and Hroptr of gods risted).

A special characteristic to the thule's seat,

which he shares with the holy kings of our elder tradition,

is that it may often have been set upon a burial mound:

in his commentary on the SnÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸ldelev stone,
Moltke notes that 'TulshÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸j, "thul's mound",

is quite a common place-name' (Runes and their Origins, p. 166).

In 'At sidde pÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¥ HÃÆ’¶j', Olrik specifically compares the kingly pra
ctice

of sitting on a mound to the use of a platform or high-seat

and interprets it as a sign of the holy character of Norse kingship.

There are a tremendous number of references to kings doing precisely this

(vg.
Grundy, 'The Cult of ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn', II, 2.2);

the royal dead in the mound seem to be the source
of a king's spiritual authority,

so that he speaks his greatest degrees from the howe:

in fact, many Migration Age howes were flat
tened on top
and may have been crowned by stones for just this purpose

(Lindqvist, 'YnglingaÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¤ttens Gravskick', p. 93;
H.R. Ellis, Road to Hel, pp. 110-11).

That this was not merely practical -
much more than a means of getting the king or thule up where
he could be seen and his voice heard,

or a mere reminder of the authority of royal descent -

is shown by, among other references,
VÃÆ’¶lsunga saga ch. 1, where Rerir sits on a mound to pray for a child
and is
given an apple there by ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn's adopted daughter,
and HelgakviÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a HjÃÆ’¶rvarÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ssonar,
where Helgi is given his name and the drive to do heroic deeds
by the dÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­s SvÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡va as he sits upon a howe.

The Penzlin bracteate from Mecklenb
urg
(Hauck, Goldbrakteaten, Tafeln I, pp. 179-80)

also probably shows a king or thule upon a mound:

the size of the supine figure as contrasted to the sitter
suggests his greater power -

the might and wisdom of the hallowed dead
who speak through the living -


and the bird behind the sitter also suggests a possible
relationship with Wodan.

The craft of the thule can be practiced either directly,
if one lives where one can sit upon a gravemound dwelt in by a wight
with whom one is on good terms,

or indirectly, through the addition of shamanic soul-faring techniques
to bring one to the mound.

The latter was obviously not practiced by our forebears,
because they had no need for it:

one
can hardly walk in Northern Europe without tripping over a howe.

However, America is another matter.

If necessary, such a soul-faring can be undertaken

either by first making the faring to Hel and looking about for a howe

in the realm of the dead

(you are likely to find one of your forebears in this manner),

or by faring directly to the homeland and looking for an earthly howe
upon which you may sit in spirit.

SeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r

The chief problem in discussing seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is defining precisely what seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is.

This word, more than any other n
ative term,

has been often misused as a blanket term for spae-craft, 'witchcraft',

any of the activities which can appear as parts of the shamanic complex

(for instance, faring forth from the body,

especially in animal-form;

performing magical healing by removal of intrusions

or retrieval of soul-parts),

genuine Finno-Ugric and/or Siberian shamanism,

and even
work involving the direct speech of the

god/esses through human beings.

In the Old Norse sources, seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is nearly always portrayed as malicious;

the few exceptions to this occur when it is being used for foretelling,


as with ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbjÃÆ’¶rg lÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­tilvÃÆ’¶lva and the seeresses in ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’"“rvar-Odds saga

and HrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³lfs saga kraka.

The terminology used to describe the actions of ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbjÃÆ’¶rg,

if anything about the account can be trusted

(which is by no means certain), is especially interesting

in regards to the attitudes towards spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ and seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r among the Norse.

ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbjÃÆ’¶rg h
erself is never called a seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°kona: she is always a spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡kona,

and treated with the highest respect.

The word seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is used only to describe her action in a specific instance:

she requests that a particular chant be chanted 'at fremja seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn',

to carry out seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r (EirÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ks saga rauÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a, ch. IV, ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡�slenzk fornrit IV, p. 207),

with the specific purpose, according to
the saga,

of satisfying outside powers who were gathered about

who spoke to ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbjÃÆ’¶rg as part of her seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r.

This is something clearly different from the work of spae-folk,

whose fore-tellings seem to stem from i
nner knowledge and fore-sight.

It is also quite distinct from the work done by thules and kings,

which appears to rely on an inborn ability to bring forth

the might and wisdom of the dead;

at least, there is no indication that these men performed ceremonies

anything like that of the EirÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ks saga vÃÆ’¶lva.

The prophetic aspect of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r, if the terminolo
gy of EirÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ks saga

can be trusted at all, appears to be a form of mediumship
more similar to spiritualism:

the beings are called into the stead and entertained

by the recital of a specific chant before they will reveal their knowledge

of what shall come to pass to the vÃÆ’¶lva.

Further, the emphasis on the description of ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rbjÃÆ’¶rg as a spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡kona

rather than a seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°kona may suggest that her chief function

was as a prophetess, and that her use of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r/mediumship

was a last resort rather than a normal activity -

as also suggested by her difficulty finding some
one

who knows the particular song which is necessary for seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r

and the reference to her having been shown

many things that she had been denied before.

It is only the more fantastic sagas such as ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’"“rvar-Odds saga

and HrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³lfs saga kraka that describe the seeresses as seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°konur,

suggesting that in the hundred years of literary development

and loss of Heathen memory

between
the early-mid thirteenth and mid-late fourteenth centuries,

the distinctions made between native soul-crafts
by the earlier sÃÆ’¶gumenn -

especially the stigma attached to seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r -

had been, at least in a literary context, blurred;

it is particularly likely that the scene in ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’"“rvar-Odds saga

was directly influenced by (
if elaborated considerably from)

the scene in EirÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ks saga.

The use of the verses in HrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³lfs saga kraka,

on the other hand, suggest that the tradition of a seeress

being used to root out the disguised princ
es was quite old;

however, the prose which calls the seeress a seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°kona

and gives her the name of HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r probably dates to no earlier

than the late fourteenth century -

by the time these sagas were written,

the prophetic seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°kona named HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r
(who may have found her origins in VÃÆ’¶luspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡)
had become a stock character of Norse fiction.

Beyond prophecy (overlapping with spae-craft),

seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r includes many
other skills:

here it is worth noting that, though the words spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ and seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r
have both survived to this day in modern Icelandic,

spÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ is the only one used for prophecy:
the word seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r means 'sorcery', the verb means 'to enchant, bewitch,
or put a spell on'. As described by Snorri in Yngli
nga saga ch. VII,

ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn kunni ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾rÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³tt...er seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r heitir, en af ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡­ mÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡tti hann vita ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶g manna ok ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³orÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°na hluti, svÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ ok at gera mÃÆ’¶nnum bana eÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³hamingju eÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a vanheilendi, svÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ ok at taka frÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ man vit eÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°a afl ok gefa ÃÆ’¶ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°rum

(ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn knew that accomplishment...
which is called seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r, and from that he could know the ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¸rlÃÆ’¶g of men
and things that had not happened,
and also thus cause the deaths or loss of hamingjur or loss of luck of men,
and also thus take from one man wit or life-force and give it to others.
-ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡�slenzk fornrit XXVI, p. 19).

The active component of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r thus seems to chiefly b
e interfering
with the soul-parts and/or consciousness of another.

Snorri, of course - writing from a christian perspective

more than two hundred years after the conversion of Iceland -

is not necessarily a reliable source in regards to specific details of magic.

It could be argued that his dark portrayal of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r

was influenced by christian h
ostility towards native magic

in general and towards that which might include

the use of sexual energy in specific.

However, both the character of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r as described by Snorri

and the disapproval attached
to it is borne out by the description

of HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r in VÃÆ’¶luspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ 22:

HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°i hana hÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡©to, hvars til hÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡ºsa kom,
vÃÆ’¶lo velspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ (vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡©lspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡), vitti hon ganda,
seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡° hon, hvars hon kunni, seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡° hon hug leikinn,
ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¦ var hon angan illrar brÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡ºÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ar.

(She was called HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r when she came to houses,

a vÃÆ’¶lva prophecying well/deceitfully
[the accent marks which would tell us which word
was mean
t do not exist in the manuscripts,
though given the generally critical tone of the verse,
vÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡©l-, deceitful, seems somewhat likelier than vel-, well],
she knew gand-craft, she practiced seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r where she could,
practiced seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r, playing with hugr,
she was ever dear to evil women).

Here, it is uncertain whether hugr is meant to denote intuition,
emot
ion, thought, soul, or the soul-complex in general;
it is certain that HeiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r's activity involved some sort of magical interference
with awareness, and that the VÃÆ’¶luspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡ poet did not think well of it.

Since this poem is general
ly dated to about 1000 C.E.,
and since the author deals favourably with Heathenism in general,

it is not unsafe to conclude that his discussion of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r
is based on a general knowledge of the practices and their place in society.

A similar use of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r is described in KormÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡kr gmundarson's SigurÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ardrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡pa
(ca. 960 C.E.): together with other bits of gnomic god-lore
(such as 'UrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r c
omes out of the well';
'ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’ÃԠ’Ô� ’â┚¬¦Ãƒ¢Ã¢”š¬Ã…¡ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¾ÃƒÆ’Æ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡³rr sits in the wagon',
and 'Hroptr fared with Gungnir'),
we are infomed that 'seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡° Yggr til Rindar' -

Yggr performed seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r at Rindr.

Since we know that ÃԠ’Ô� ’Ãâ┚¬ ’ÃԠ’â┚¬� ’'ÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°inn managed to father Baldr
on Rindr by using magic to drive her temporarily insane,
we must conclude that this was a common
use -
perhaps the most common,
and certainly the most authoritatively-documented -
use of seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r.

This is more notable since SigurÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°ardrÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡pa and VÃÆ’¶luspÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡¡
are the only sources of clear Heathen origin that describe the art,

which argues against the theory that seiÃÆ’ ÃƒÆ’”�Å¡°r
was considered a worthy art in the Heathen period
and blackened later by christians.

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